The less the organisational experience of the Russian people, the more resolutely must we proceed to organisational development by the people themselves and not merely by the bourgeois politicians and "well-placed" bureaucrats. Objectively, however, the world situation is such that the old name of our Party makes it easier to fool the people and impedes the onward march; for at every step, in every paper, in every parliamentary group, the masses see leaders, i.e., people whose voices carry farthest and whose actions are most conspicuous; yet they are all "would-be Social-Democrats", they are all "for unity" with the betrayers of socialism, with the social-chauvinists; and they are all presenting for payment the old bills issued by "Social-Democracy". The thing is not to "proclaim" internationalism, but to be able to be an internationalist in deed, even when times are most trying.     Much is given to the Russian proletariat; nowhere in the world has the working class yet succeeded in developing so much revolutionary energy as in Russia. formed the Left Social-Democratic Party of Sweden. And we shall aid and abet that deception if we retain the old and out-of-date Party name, which is as decayed as the Second International!     The thing is that it is not easy to be an internationalist in deed during a terrible imperialist war. Please choose whether or not you want other users to be able to see on your profile that this library is a favorite of yours. In order to improve grain production techniques and increase output, and in order to develop rational cultivation on a large scale under public control, we must strive within the peasants' committees to secure the transformation of every confiscated landed estate into a large model farm controlled by the Soviet of Agricultulal Labourers' Deputies. The thing is not to "proclaim" internationalism, but to be able to be an internationalist in deed, even when times are most trying. He is now serving his term in a German convict prison, like hundreds, if not thousands, of other true German socialists who have been imprisoned for their anti-war activities. THE COLLAPSE The coalition cabinet is only a passing moment in the development of the fundamental class contradictions of our rovolution briefly analysed in the pamphlet. The thing is that it is not easy to be an internationalist in deed during a terrible imperialist war. . No other country in the world is as free as Russia is now. found the Third International, an International uncompromisingly hostile both to the social-chauvinlst traitors and to the vacillating "Centrists". found the Third International, an International uncompromisingly hostile both to the social-chauvinlst traitors and to the vacillating "Centrists". My fourth argument: we must reckon with the actual situation in which socialism finds itself internationally. They represent a stratum, or groups, or sections of the working class which objectively have been bribed by the bourgeoisie (by better wages, positions of honour, etc.     OF THE PROLETARIAT POLITICALLY? . I now come to the final point, the name of our Party, We must call ourselves the Communist Party -- just as Marx and Engels called themselves.     Hundreds of socialists imprisoned in Germany and Britain will then heave a sigh of relief, thousands and thousands of German workers who are now holding strikes and demonstrations that are frightening that scoundrel and brigand, Wilhelm, will learn from illegal leaflets of our decision, of our fraternal confidence in Karl Liebknecht, and in him alone, of our decision to fight "revolutionary defencism" even now ; they will read this and be strengthened in their revolutionary internationalism. The "Centre" consists of routine-worshippers, eroded by the canker of legality, corrupted by the parliamentary atmosphere, etc., bureaucrats accustomed to snug positions and soft jobs. 12. THE PECULIAR NATURE OF THE TACTICS tolerate the parallel government of the Soviet of Workers' Deputies, did not allow Fritz Platten, the Swiss socialist, secretary of the party, an internationalist and participant in the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences, to enter Russia in April 1917, in spite of the fact that Platten has a Russian wife and was on his way to visit his wife's relatives, and in spite of the fact that he had taken part in the revolution of 1905 in Riga, for which he had been confined in a Russian prison, had given bail to the tsarist government for his release and wished to recover that bail -- if the "republican" Milyukov could do such a thing in April 1917 in Russia, one can judge what value can be put on the promises and assurances, the phrases and declarations of the bourgeoisie on the subject of peace without annexations, and soon. But our emergent, new state is no longer a state in the proper sense of the term, for in some parts of Russia these contingents of armed men are the masses themselves, the entire people, and not certain privileged persons placed over the people, and divorced from the people, and for all practical purposes undisplaceable. Although social-pacifism was condemned by the Kienthal Manifesto, the whole Zimmer wald Right, the entire Zimmerwald majority, sank to social-pacifism: Kautsky and Co. in a series of utterances in January and February 1917; Bourderon and Merrheim in France, who cast their votes in unanimity with the social-chauvinists for the pacifist resolutions of the Socialist Party (December 1916) and of the Confédération Générale du Travail (the national organisation of the French trade unions, also in December 1916); Turati and Co. in Italy, where the entire party took up a social-pacifist position, while Turati himself, in a speech delivered on December 17, 1916, "slipped" (not by accident, of course) into nationalist phrases whitewashing the imperialist war. It is quite easy (as history proves) to revert from a parliamentary bourgeois republic to a monarchy, for all the machinery of oppression -- the army, the police, and the bureaucracy -- is left intact. There is one, and only one, kind of real internationalism, and that is -- working whole-heartedly for the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary struggle in one's own country, and supporting (by propaganda, sympathy, and material aid) this struggle, this, and only this, line, in every country without exception. Complete freedom of secession, the broadest local (and national) autonomy, and elaborate guarantees of the rights of national minorities -- this is the programme of the revolutionary proletariat.     page 67 AND HELP TO CLARIFY THE MIND --Ed.     The Petrograd and the other, the local, Soviets constitute precisely such a dictatorship (that is, a power resting not on the law but directly on the force of armed masses of the population), a dictatorship precisely of the above-mentioned classes. We must remain in Zimmerwald only for purposes of information. In order to improve grain production techniques and increase output, and in order to develop rational cultivation on a large scale under public control, we must strive within the peasants' committees to secure the transformation of every confiscated landed estate into a large model farm controlled by the Soviet of Agricultulal Labourers' Deputies. For, objectively, the problem of the war can be solved only in a revolutionary way. Revolutionary defencism is, on the one hand, a result of the deception of the masses by the bourgeoisie, a result of the trustful lack of reasoning on the part of the peasants Nothing else was possible. The anarchists misjudged the character of the times, for they failed to understand the world situation: the worker of Britain corrupted by imperialist profits, the Commune defeated in Paris, the recent (1871) triumph of the bourgeois national movement in Germany, the age-long sleep of semi-feudal Russia.